KYIV, Ukraine — A drone crashed into a building at the headquarters of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet in Crimea on Saturday morning, sending plumes of smoke rising over the port city of Sevastopol, a strike that comes as Ukraine seeks to sow chaos and destruction in territory under Moscow’s firm control.
The extent of the damage was not clear in videos released by local officials and residents. Mykhailo Razvozhaev, the local Russian proxy leader in the city, said no one was killed. It was unclear if the drone hit the building directly or if it was shot down by Russian defenses and then crashed into the roof.
Local officials advised people to remain in their homes on Saturday morning.
“Just like many other residents, I heard the blasts in the city center,” Mr. Razvozhaev said on Friday night. He said the explosions were part of the city’s air defense systems.
It was not immediately clear who was responsible for the strike. The Ukrainian government has not offered any public comment on specific strikes or operations, saying only that its military is engaged in a campaign to target Russian forces on the peninsula.
Crimea, a key staging ground for Russia’s invasion, has been under Kremlin control since Moscow illegally annexed the peninsula in 2014. It has been steadily militarized since then and is home to the Black Sea Fleet.
While the overall impact on Russia’s military is far from clear, Ukraine’s recent campaign of strikes behind Russian lines has disrupted the peninsula’s sense of security and distance from the war. The attacks and attempted strikes in Crimea appeared to have kicked off in earnest on Aug. 9 with a strike on the Saki air base in which eight fighter jets were destroyed.
Paula J. Dobriansky, a former American diplomat specializing in national security affairs, said that by threatening Russian supply lines and underscoring Moscow’s tenuous grip on Crimea, the strikes in Crimea were “both operational and symbolic.”
The strikes may also represent a strategy to not only disrupt Russian logistics and supply lines, but also put the war back on the Russian domestic political agenda, said Christopher Miller, an associate professor of international history at Tufts University.
In a reflection of the challenges Moscow is facing, the Russian state news media reported that the Kremlin had replaced the commander of the Black Sea Fleet after a series of setbacks, including the loss of its flagship vessel, the Moskva, in April.
The Ukrainian southern command said on Saturday that 12 Russian vessels were “maneuvering along the Crimean coast, seeking cover,” a claim that could not be independently confirmed.
But even as Russia grapples with attacks far from the front lines, its forces continue to have the military advantage and to launch strikes across Ukraine. Russia is attacking some 700 Ukrainian frontline positions every day, according to the Ukrainian military.
Air raid alarms blared across Ukraine, and missiles fell on the port city of Mykolaiv, a frequent target of Russian attacks, in the south. Vitaliy Kim, the leader of the Mykolaiv military administration, said the missiles had been fired from the Russian S-300 long-range surface-to-air missile system. That could not be independently confirmed. There were no immediate reports of casualties.
The Ukrainians said they had shot down four Russian cruise missiles in central Ukraine near Dnipro.
BRUSSELS — With anxiety mounting about the dangers to Ukraine’s largest nuclear power plant, which is occupied by the invading Russian Army, there finally seems to be some movement to get international inspectors into the facility to verify its safe operation.
In a conversation late Friday, President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia told his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron, that Russia “had reconsidered” its insistence that inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency first travel through Russian territory to reach the Zaporizhzhia plant, according to the French presidency.
The Russian presidency was less explicit, stating that “both leaders noted the importance of sending an I.A.E.A. mission to the power plant as soon as possible” and that Russia had “confirmed its readiness to provide the necessary assistance to the agency’s inspectors.”
The two presidents will speak again about such a mission “in the next few days following discussions between the technical teams and before the deployment of the mission,” the French said.
The I.A.E.A. — the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog and monitoring agency — has met with several obstacles in its discussions with Russia and Ukraine to get into the Zaporizhzhia plant, Europe’s largest, since at least June.
Ukraine objected to the idea that the inspectors would enter through Russian-occupied territory, an option that would seem to underscore Russian control of the plant, which provides at least a fifth of Ukraine’s electricity. The United Nations had significant security concerns about having inspectors travel through the front lines of this bitter war, with so much shelling.
As Russia and Ukraine blame each other for bringing the possibility of nuclear catastrophe to the plant through the artillery war — part of what a senior Western official on Friday called “the information war” — pressure has grown on Moscow to relent about how the inspectors might arrive.
That pressure has also come from Turkey, which has tried to mediate between Russia and Ukraine on the issue, as it did in the recent deal to free grain shipments from Ukraine’s Black Sea ports amid a Russian blockade, and from the United Nations itself.
When António Guterres, the United Nations secretary general, visited Ukraine this past week along with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey to discuss grain shipments, the U.N. leader also urged quick movement to try to keep the Zaporizhzhia plant safe.
Mr. Guterres warned Russia not to disconnect the facility from the Ukrainian grid, as Kyiv says Russia intends to do, in order to switch the supply into the Russian grid. Such a move could interrupt the vital cooling of the reactors and cut electricity to millions of Ukrainians.
Western officials consider the main danger of a nuclear accident coming less from a shell hitting one of the containment buildings around the six light-water nuclear reactors, which are constructed to withstand a 9/11-like impact of an airliner, than from an interruption in electricity. Should that happen, and should the plant’s generators fail or be damaged, then a meltdown could occur.
The main concern in that respect, a senior Western official said on Friday, would be if the plant suffered a loss of cooling due to the loss of backup electricity, should Russia take it off the Ukrainian grid and should backup generators fail.
There is also worry that a shell could hit one of the ponds that store spent nuclear fuel, but that would have a more minor and localized effect.
Russia has rejected the plea of Mr. Guterres to demilitarize the area around the plant.
On Friday, the I.A.E.A.’s director general, Rafael M. Grossi, “welcomed recent statements indicating that both Ukraine and Russia supported the I.A.E.A.’s aim to send a mission” to Zaporizhzhia.
The Russian ambassador to the agency has suggested that such a mission could take place in early September. But even if inspectors can verify the safety of the plant at the time, the dangers will inevitably persist as the artillery war continues.
KYIV, Ukraine — Russian tanks rolled into downtown Kyiv on Saturday. But it was not the military parade that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia might have envisioned when he set his army to invade Ukraine in February.
Instead, the tanks arrived on the backs of Ukrainian flatbed trucks, collected from the battlefields in the east and south, and put on display in a show of defiance.
Even as the daily air sirens wailed, cranes lifted the battered tanks and placed them onto the elegant thoroughfare that leads to Maidan Square in central Kyiv. Crowds gathered throughout the day, taking pictures. Children climbed on the rusted hulks of missile launchers and armored vehicles. Police officers and soldiers mixed with families strolling along the square — all in a moment of respite from a war that has killed tens of thousands of people and laid once-thriving cities to waste.
“I am glad it is sitting here demolished like this instead of out there killing people,” Eugene Sheptunov, 32, said at the hulk of one Russian tank that the Ukrainians had dubbed “The Witcher.”
Mr. Sheptunov, an information technology worker, was at the display with his wife, Olha, and daughter, Aleksandra, 10. They left Kyiv early in the war because of fighting there, but by the end of May had joined the growing ranks of people returning to the city.
He said he now volunteered to help get whatever supplies the troops at the front may need, including food and clothes. “Everyone is doing their part.”
Maidan Square has served for more than a century as a central plaza in the ancient city. When Ukraine was a part of the Soviet Union, it was called “Great October Socialist Revolution Square.”
In 1991, it was renamed Maidan Nezalezhnosti — Independence Square.
And in 2013, it was the center of nationwide demonstrations that eventually helped topple the government of President Viktor F. Yanukovych.
Now, as the country prepares to celebrate its Independence Day on Wednesday, Ukrainian officials are warning that Russia may use the occasion to demonstrate its military power. Mr. Sheptunov said he had heard the rumors.
“Of course I am a little worried,” he said. “But my family will be here. And I will go to the dentist that day.”
He took a few more pictures of the rusting hulks of a piece of artillery, and then took his daughter to get some ice cream.
Russia has replaced the commander of its Black Sea Fleet, the country’s state news agency reported on Friday, following a series of setbacks that include a recent powerful strike on one of its Crimean bases and the losses of its flagship vessel in April and control of a tiny island in June that served an outsize role in Russia’s naval operations.
The shake-up suggested the gravity of the setbacks to the Black Sea Fleet’s operations. While there have been unconfirmed reports of similar major changes in the leadership of other forces, they have not been made public by the Russian government.
In a report by the state news agency, Tass, on Friday, the new commander, Vice Admiral Viktor N. Sokolov, was quoted as saying that he had been appointed by the country’s defense minister last week.
The comment came as he spoke to junior officers in Sevastopol, Crimea’s largest port city and the base for the fleet since Russia illegally seized the peninsula from Ukraine in 2014.
“The Black Sea Fleet is participating in the special military operation, and is successfully completing all the tasks set for it,” Admiral Sokolov, 60, told the officers, according to Tass, using the Kremlin’s terminology for the conflict.
Admiral Sokolov, who served previously as the leader of the St. Petersburg-based Kuznetsov Naval Academy, Russia’s top officer training school, added that the fleet expected to receive 12 new vessels this year, along with aviation and land-based vehicles.
He replaces Vice Admiral Igor V. Osipov, who had commanded the fleet since 2019. In May, Britain’s defense intelligence agency reported that Admiral Osipov had likely been suspended following the sinking of the fleet’s flagship, the cruiser Moskva. Asked about the report at the time, a senior Pentagon official went further, saying the commander had been dismissed.
Pro-Kremlin military analysts have cited the Black Sea Fleet as the weakest link in Russia’s military effort. Since the start of the war in February, it has suffered repeated and embarrassing setbacks. Ukraine said it used Neptune missiles to sink the Moskva in April, a strike Russia has never acknowledged. It was the biggest warship lost in combat in decades.
The Black Sea Fleet is integral to the Russian war effort and has been crucial in Moscow’s efforts to exert control along Ukraine’s coastline, devastating Ukraine’s economy. The fleet has also launched sea-based long-distance missiles to strike targets deep inside Ukraine.
“Most of Russia’s naval victories have been achieved here by the Black Sea Fleet,” Admiral Sokolov told the officers, according to a video report of the event by the local television network.
The change in leadership came as Ukraine has increasingly used sabotage and sophisticated longer-range weapons to strike Russian-held territory. But Russia has shown a robust ability to absorb losses, and retains superior military might.
And it remains unclear exactly what toll the fleet sustained in the attack on its Saki air base in Crimea earlier this month, which Ukraine suggested had been carried out by special operatives and local partisans. Satellite images analyzed by The New York Times showed at least eight destroyed jets.
In a briefing for reporters on Friday, a Western official said that the attack had “put more than half of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet naval aviation combat jets out of use.” He added that “the Russian system is busy seeking to allocate blame for the debacle.”
But U.S. officials disputed the idea that such a proportion of the fleet’s aviation assets had been disabled. Recent Ukrainian attacks in Crimea have been significant, they said, and the explosions and damage Ukraine has caused have been real, including the loss of some fighter jets. However, they cautioned that the damage was not decisive, and the recent attacks alone were not enough to cause a shift in the war.
In June, Russian troops withdrew from tiny Snake Island in the Black Sea after repeated assaults by Ukrainian forces, limiting its control over Ukraine’s shipping lanes.
Starbucks has left Russia. But its successor, Stars Coffee, isn’t straying far from its inspiration.
Unveiled by a popular Russian rapper, its first shop welcomed guests in a former Starbucks in central Moscow on Friday, the latest in a wave of Western brands to get a local makeover as global companies pull out over the war in Ukraine.
But in this case the makeover goes only so far. The logo looks like a Russian twin to the Starbucks mermaid, now wearing a traditional headpiece known as a kokoshnik. The menu has familiar items, mixed with Russian-made syrups.
Many of the 2,000 former workers at Starbucks stores in Russia transferred to work in the new chain, which will be managed by the former deputy president of Starbucks in Russia and Kazakhstan, according to Stars Coffee’s website.
Starbucks declined to comment on the opening. The company said in May that it was officially exiting Russia after earlier condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It closed its 130 stores, which were owned and operated by a licensing partner, and halted the shipment of any Starbucks products.
In July, the rapper Timur Yunusov, also known as Timati, announced that he would manage the former Starbucks assets in Russia together with Anton Pinsky, a top Russian restaurateur. The details of the deal were not made public.
Starbucks, which opened its first store in Moscow in 2007, occupied some of the best real estate in cities across the country, making the chain a lucrative asset after the brand’s withdrawal.
The arrival of Starbucks had been a prominent symbol of Russia’s increasing globalization, a trend heralded by the 1990 arrival of McDonald’s as the Soviet Union was on the brink of collapse. McDonald’s pulled out of Russia in the spring, and its restaurants were bought by a Siberian entrepreneur who reopened some of them in June under a new name — Vkusno i tochka, or “Tasty and that’s it.”
Mr. Yunusov, who in March performed at a rally in Moscow in support of the war, said the departure of Western brands presented an opportunity for Russian companies.
“Many Western brands have made a U-turn, slammed the door and left the Russian market,” he said at the rally. “There are people for whom unlimited opportunities have emerged to introduce Russian products.”
BERLIN — Gazprom, the Kremlin-controlled energy giant, says it will temporarily shut down its gas pipeline to Germany at the end of the month for repairs, a move likely to trigger more uncertainty in Europe as countries struggle to compensate for cuts in Russian fossil fuels.
Gazprom says it will close the taps of the Nord Stream pipeline from Aug. 31 to Sept. 2 to replace a turbine with the help of its manufacturer, Siemens. Gazprom and the German government have already been trading blame for slowed flows of gas through the pipeline. Gazprom has said Western sanctions have slowed repairs, reducing gas flows by up to 60 percent. Berlin has accused Gazprom of playing politics on Moscow’s behalf.
“The Russian side’s justification is simply a pretext,” Robert Habeck, Germany’s economy minister, told reporters in Berlin in June. “It is obviously the strategy to unsettle and drive up prices.”
Europe has been working to wean itself off Russian gas, oil and coal as part of its sanctions on Moscow in retaliation for the invasion of Ukraine. Many European states are bracing for potential energy shortages this winter, but perhaps none are as vulnerable as Germany, Europe’s largest economy. More than half of Germany’s gas imports came from Russia before the war in Ukraine.
Germany has been working to find alternative sources of natural gas, and has also made the awkward decision to restart coal plants already shut down as part of its plan to phase out coal by 2030. It now looks likely to extend the life of its contested three nuclear plants as well.
According to Gazprom, gas transports through the underwater pipeline to Germany could be resumed after repairs at a rate of 33 million cubic meters per day — around 20 percent of the actual capacity of the pipeline.
The German government did not immediately comment on the announcement.
— Erika Solomon
BRUSSELS — A proposal that the European Union ban visas for all Russian tourists because of the Ukraine invasion has set off a debate in the continent’s capitals about morality, legality, collective guilt and the use of power.
Already, some nations, like Estonia, are implementing their own bans, canceling some visas and refusing to allow Russian tourists to enter. Other countries, like Germany, argue a blanket ban will hurt Russians opposed to President Vladimir V. Putin and his war. Still others say the European Union cannot afford to show divisions over the issue and needs to come up with a consensus policy.
Further fueling the debate, the Czech government, which holds the current presidency of the European Union, will raise the proposal with foreign ministers at the end of this month.
Beyond the legal and moral issues raised by the proposed ban, suggested this month by President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine, lies a more practical question: Would it have the intended effect, as its proponents say, of driving home to the Russian people the costs of the war begun by their autocratic president, Vladimir V. Putin?
Or would it, as critics say, produce the opposite result by antagonizing and alienating Russians, while reinforcing Mr. Putin’s claims that the West is trying to destroy Russia?
Benjamin Tallis, a Berlin-based analyst, argued that bans would not just stop Russians from taking European vacations while their troops kill Ukrainians, but would also provide a chance for Europeans to use their power for moral and strategic ends.
It would tell Russians, “travel to Europe is a privilege, and you value it, and we’re going to take it away,” he said. “Power begets power, and in general the E.U. and some states, especially Germany, are very shy about using the real power they do have.”
KYIV, Ukraine — The Crimean Peninsula dangles off Ukraine’s southern coast like a diamond, blessed with a temperate climate, expansive beaches, lush wheat fields and orchards stuffed with cherries and peaches.
It is also a critical staging ground for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Connected via bridge to Russia and serving as a home to Moscow’s Black Sea Fleet, Crimea provides a vital link in the Russian military’s supply chain that supports tens of thousands of soldiers now occupying a vast swath of southern Ukraine.
For President Vladimir V. Putin, it is hallowed ground, having been declared part of Russia by Catherine the Great in 1783, helping pave the way for her empire to become a naval power. The Soviet ruler Nikita S. Khrushchev gave it to Ukraine in 1954. And because Ukraine was then a Soviet republic, not much changed.
But when the Soviet Union collapsed nearly four decades later, Russia lost its jewel. Mr. Putin thus claimed to be righting a historic wrong when he illegally annexed Crimea in 2014.
Mr. Putin promised at the time that he had no intention of further dividing Ukraine. Yet eight years later, in February, tens of thousands of Russian soldiers stormed north out of the peninsula, kicking off the current war.
In recent days, military targets in Crimea have come under attack, and the peninsula once again finds itself at the fulcrum of a great power struggle.
Early in the war, Russian troops surging from Crimea seized swaths of the Kherson and Zaporizhia regions that remain the key to Russia’s occupation of southern Ukraine.
Crimea, in turn, offers key logistical support for Russia to maintain its occupation army, including two main rail links that Russia relies on for moving heavy military equipment. Crimean air bases have been used to stage sorties against Ukrainian positions, and the peninsula has provided a launching ground for long-range Russian missiles.
The peninsula is also home to Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, helping Russia maintain dominion over the sea, including a naval blockade that has crippled Ukraine’s economy.
A Place in the Sun
Russia is cold — a fifth of the country is above the Arctic Circle. But it can be positively balmy in the sun-drenched Crimean city of Yalta.
“Russia needs its paradise,” wrote Prince Grigory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s general and lover, when he urged her to claim the land.
Crimea is where czars and Politburo chairmen kept vacation homes. Before the West imposed sanctions on Russia for illegally annexing the peninsula, it was a place where wealthy Eastern Europeans went to unwind and party.
“Casinos buzz and ping everywhere amid the city’s pine-bowered alleyways,” a New York Times Travel article proclaimed about Yalta in 2006, adding: “Much — if not everything — goes in this seaside boomtown.”
Tourism fell steeply after 2014. But when explosions rang out at an air base last week near Crimea’s western coast, there were still visitors at nearby resorts taking photos and videos as black smoke obscured the sun.
Ties to Russia
“Crimea has always been an integral part of Russia in the hearts and minds of people,” Mr. Putin declared in his 2014 address marking the annexation. But his is a selective reading of history.
Over the centuries, Greeks and Romans, Goths and Huns, Mongols and Tatars have all laid claim to the land.
And perhaps no group in Crimea has watched the unfolding war with as much trepidation as the Tatars, Turkic Muslims who migrated from the Eurasian steppes in the 13th century.
They were brutally targeted by Stalin, who — in a foreshadowing of the Kremlin’s justification for its current war — accused them of being Nazi collaborators and deported them en masse. Thousands died in the process.
In 1989, Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, allowed Tatars to return to Crimea. And before the 2014 annexation, they made up about 12 percent of Crimea’s population, numbering about 260,000 there.
In 2017, Human Rights Watch accused Moscow of intensifying the persecution of the Tatar minority in Crimea, “with the apparent goal of completely silencing dissent on the peninsula.”
WASHINGTON — The United States is sending a new influx of arms and equipment that Ukraine will need for its counteroffensive against Russian troops in the country’s south, the Pentagon said on Friday.
The Defense Department will also continue to send a steady stream of rockets for the HIMARS launchers that have been credited with destroying Russian command posts and ammunition depots, and other artillery designed to disrupt supply lines.
Taken together, the new shipment of up to $775 million of weapons and supplies from the Pentagon’s stockpiles illustrates an emerging dual strategy: fueling Ukraine’s immediate artillery fight, while also helping to build up an arsenal to support a counterattack near Kherson, in the country’s south, that has yet to fully materialize.
The latest shipment includes 40 armored vehicles equipped with giant rollers to clear minefields ahead of any Ukraine ground operation, as well as 50 armored troop-carrying Humvees, 1,500 TOW guided missiles and 1,000 Javelin anti-tank missiles.
“The mine-clearing is a really good example of how the Ukrainians will need this sort of capability to be able to push their forces forward and retake territory,” a senior Defense Department official told reporters on a conference call on Friday.
The Pentagon is also sending more high-speed anti-radiation missiles, or HARMs — air-to-ground weapons designed to seek and destroy Russian air defense radar. Military technicians have figured out how to integrate the American missile on Ukraine’s Soviet-designed MiG fighter jets to help defeat one of the biggest threats to the Ukrainian air force.
The package also includes the HIMARS rockets, 16 105-millimeter howitzers and 36,000 rounds of ammunition, as well as 15 ScanEagle drones to help spot Russian targets and relay location information to the gunners.
For now, the United States has limited to 16 the number of HIMARS launchers sent to Ukraine, fearing that providing more would lead to burning through the Pentagon’s stockpile of satellite-guided rockets and eventually endanger U.S. combat readiness.
Pentagon officials have emphasized in recent days that its resupply of ammunition for various artillery systems has now reached a regular, sustainable level that Ukrainian commanders can count on as they plan operations.
The shipment, the Biden administration’s 19th overall to Ukraine, comes as fighting in Kherson, in the south, and the Donbas region, in the east, has largely ground to a standstill. A Russian offensive to seize Donetsk Province, part of the Donbas, has stalled — partly, American officials said, because Moscow rushed several thousand troops to the south to counter the anticipated Ukrainian offensive there and partly because of the effects of the HIMARS strikes.
“Right now, I would say that you are seeing a complete and total lack of progress by the Russians on the battlefield,” the senior Pentagon official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters. “You’re seeing this hollowing out of the Russian forces in Ukraine.”
But when pressed by reporters, the official said that the Ukrainians lacked sufficient troops and combat power to drive the Russians from their defensive positions.
“We haven’t seen a significant retake of territory, but we do see a significant weakening of Russian positions in a variety of locations,” the official said.
The official repeatedly declined to comment on a series of attacks and other explosions in Crimea over the past two weeks. Ukrainian officials privately attribute the attacks to an elite Ukrainian special forces unit operating behind enemy lines with the help of local partisan fighters. The strikes have shocked Russian commanders in Crimea, who thought their forces and weapons depots were out of reach of Ukrainian attacks, officials said.
John Ismay contributed reporting.
ODESA, Ukraine — The Odesa Fine Arts Museum, a colonnaded early-19th-century palace, stands almost empty. Early in Russia’s war on Ukraine, its staff removed more than 12,000 works for safe keeping. One large portrait remained, depicting Catherine the Great, the Russian empress and founder of Odesa, as a just and victorious goddess.
Seen from below in Dmitry Levitzky’s painting, the empress is a towering figure in a golden gown. The ships behind her symbolize Russia’s victory over the Ottoman Turks in 1792. “She’s textbook Russian imperial propaganda,” said Gera Grudev, a curator. “The painting’s too large to move, and besides, leaving it shows the Russian occupiers we don’t care.”
The decision to let Catherine’s portrait hang in isolation in the first room of the shuttered museum reflects a sly Odesan bravura: an empress left to contemplate how the brutality of Vladimir V. Putin, the Russian president who likens himself to a latter-day czar, has alienated the largely Russian-speaking population of this Black Sea port, established by her in 1794 as Moscow’s long-coveted conduit from the steppe to the Mediterranean.
Odesa, grain port to the world, city of creative mingling, scarred metropolis steeped in Jewish history, is the big prize in the war and a personal obsession for Mr. Putin. In a speech three days before ordering the Russian invasion, Mr. Putin singled out Odesa with particular venom, making clear his intention to capture “criminals” there and “bring them to justice.”
Mr. Putin believed at the outset of the war that he could decapitate the Ukrainian government and take Kyiv, only to discover that Ukraine was a nation ready to fight for the nationhood he dismissed. As the focus of the fighting shifts to southern Ukraine, Mr. Putin knows that on Odesa’s fate hinges Ukrainian access to the sea and, to some degree, the world’s access to food. Without this city, Ukraine shrivels to a landlocked rump state.
“Odesa is the key, in my view,” said François Delattre, the secretary general of the French Foreign Ministry. “Militarily, it is the highest-value target. If you control it, you control the Black Sea.”
— Roger Cohen and Laetitia Vancon